五 結語

土耳其國家身份的變化根植于社會的發展變革，但其重塑進程受到埃爾多安和正義與發展黨的強力引導。政治領袖和執政黨的介入實現了這一過程從“自發”到“自覺”的轉變，也使國家身份重塑的影響即時體現在土耳其的內外政策中。從動機上看，埃爾多安有意在變化了的歷史條件下修改凱末爾主義中有關國家定位的不完整的內容；從效果上看，他正借助于土社會的現實，糅合自己的意識形態偏好與政治理想，塑造著一個更貼近現實、更具代表性的“新土耳其”。

在非暴力革命的環境中，國家身份重塑將是一個長期的、反復的過程。一方面是由于矯枉常常過正，舊身份認同的反彈會刺激埃爾多安和正義與發展黨在政策層面上用力過猛，由官方倡導的、新的身份認同與社會現實需要經過反復的磨合才能達到某種相對穩定的平衡。二是由于土耳其國家本身也還處于變動之中，尤其在中東大國權力消長、地區秩序重組的大環境下，埃爾多安和正義與發展黨也在不斷調試“內”與“外”的關系。受此影響，未來土耳其的政策仍將出現一定程度的搖擺，但國家身份重塑的大方向恐難以改變。正如此前的土耳其鐫刻著凱末爾主義的特征一樣，正在形成的“新土耳其”將不可避免地帶有埃爾多安和正義與發展黨的鮮明印記。

（缺英文標題）

Li Yanan

Abstract：Turkish national identity has being reshaped under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party （AKP）since the ‘Arab Spring’ in 2011.It reoriented Turkey from a quasi-European country to a virtual Middle-Eastern one and replaced the Kemalist nationalism with an Islamic one，which be called as Erdoganism revolution or，occasionally，a ‘counterrevolution’.The transformation is driven comprehensively by many factors：the “Islamism” and “neo-Ottomanism” ideology of AKP； the changed ruling foundation； and the regional upheaval as an external impetus.National identity-reshaping impacts immediately on Turkey's domestic and foreign policies.Its diplomatic strategy began to “looking east”，gradually alienating United States and EU； its regional policy are getting more aggressive，deeply involving in external conflicts and trying hard to cultivate allies and proxies in the Islamic world； its domestic policy are controversial，easing the restrictions on religious and introducing more Islamic education，which raised the fear of social-Islamization.

Keywords：Turkey；National-identity；AK-Party；Islam

Author Profile：Li Yanan is a research assistant of Middle East Institute， China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations. She studies on Turkish diplomacy and politics， International relations.

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[9] M.Hakan Yavuz，Islamic Political Identity in Turkey，New York：Oxford University Press，2003，p.243.

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[11]Ihsan Yilmaz ＆ Galib Bashirov，“The AKP after 15 Year：Emergence of Erdoganism in Turkey，”Third World Quarterly，2018，https：//www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447371？needAccess=true.

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[15] Eric Edelman，“Erdogan's Counter-Revolution，”https：//www.weeklystandard.com/eric-edelman/erdogans-counter-revolution.

[16]Yuksel Taskin，“Seeking Legitimacy for the Conservative Elite，”in Kenan Aksu ed.，Turkey：A Regional Power in the Making，Cambridge Scholars Publishing，2013，pp.86-88.

[17]Pavel Shlykov and Alexey Malashenko，“Revolution：Where is Turkey Going？” https：//carnegieendowment.org/2011/09/22/anti-kemalist-revolution-where-is-turkey-going-event-3479.

[18]Dimitar Bechev，“Turkey's Rise as a Regional Power，”European View，December 2011，Vol.10，Issue 2，pp.173-179.

[19]有學者認為這一時期正義與發展黨沒有啟動國家身份重塑進程的原因有二：一是出于實用主義原則，通過穩定經濟獲得更大的合法性；二是奉行凱末爾主義的軍隊仍然掌控著巨大的權力，正義與發展黨要盡量避免觸怒軍隊，免受埃爾巴坎政府被顛覆的命運。參見Ihsan Yilmaz ＆ Galib Bashirov，“The AKP after 15 Years：Emergence of Erdoganism in Turkey，”Third World Quarterly，Published online 22 Mar 2018，https：//www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447371.（檢索日期：2018年6月）。

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[22]Menderes Cinar，“Turkey's ‘Western’ or ‘Muslim’ Identity and the AKP's Civilizational Discourse，”Turkish Studies，Vol.19，2018，pp.176-197.

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[25]Agnes Czajka and Edward Wastnidge，“‘The Centre of World Politics？’ Neo-Ottomanism in Turkish Foreign and Domestic Politics，” http：//web.isanet.org/Web/Conferences/GSCIS%20Singapore%202015/Archive/a1b05e35-80f6-40ae-9c56-b5708c5c321e.pdf.

[26]Senem Aslan，“Different Faces of Turkish Islamic Nationalism，”https：//www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2015/02/20/different-faces-of-turkish-islamic-nationalism/？noredirect=on＆utm_term=.94affed130d5.

[27]但是埃爾多安和正義與發展黨傾向于忽視境內的非穆斯林少數族群，如猶太人、亞美尼亞人、希臘人以及天主教徒、基督教徒等，他們甚至沒有被納入民族主義的動員范圍內。對于這些族群而言，凱末爾的民族國家和民族主義與埃爾多安提倡的伊斯蘭民族主義并無本質區別，前者試圖通過同化吸收其異質性，后者嘗試通過打壓消滅其異質性，均未認可其平等地位和平等權利。參見Jeffrey Haynes，“Politics，Identity and Religious Nationalism in Turkey：from Ataturk to AKP，” Australian Journal of International Affairs，Vol.64，2010，pp.312-327。

[28]John Halpin，Michael Werz，Alan Makovsky and Max Hoffman，“Is Turkey Experiencing a New Nationalism：An Examination of Public Attitudes on Turkish Self-Perception，” A Report from Center for American Progress，https：//www.americanprogress.org/issues/security/reports/2018/02/11/445620/turkey-experiencing-new-nationalism/.（檢索日期：2018年6月）

[29]Gareth Jenkins，“ Revolution and Counter-Revolution：Kemalism，the AKP and Turkey at 90，”The Turkey Analyst，Vol.6，No.20，https：//www.turkeyanalyst.org/publications/turkey-analyst-articles/item/69-revolution-and-counter-revolution-kemalism-the-akp-and-turkey-at-90.html.

[30]Dov Waxman，“Islam and Turkish National Identity：A Reappraisal，”Turkish Yearbook of International Relations，January 2000，http：//file.setav.org/Files/Pdf/islam-and-turkish-national-identity--ankara-univ.-year-book-2000.pdf.

[31]H.Ertug Tombus and Berfu Aygenc，“（Post-）Kemalist Secularism in Turkey，”Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies，Vol.19，2017，pp.70-85.

[32]John Halpin，Michael Werz，Alan Makovsky and Max Hoffman，“Is Turkey Experiencing a New Nationalism：An Examination of Public Attitudes on Turkish Self-Perception，”A Report from Center for American Progress，https：//www.americanprogress.org/issues/security/reports/2018/02/11/445620/turkey-experiencing-new-nationalism/.

[33]Aaron Stein， Turkey's New Foreign Policy：Davutoglu，the AKP and the Pursuit of Regional Order，Published by the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies，2014，pp.9-10.

[34]埃爾多安認為，歐盟在人權和民主問題上一直對土耳其使用雙重標準，所謂入盟談判只是用來與土討價還價、誘騙土屈服讓步的籌碼；歐盟從未想過真正接納土耳其，根本原因在于土耳其的“穆斯林身份”。參見“Erdogan：EU doesn't want Turkey because ‘Majority is Muslim’，”https：//www.rt.com/news/347953-erdogan-eu-turkey-muslim/。

[35]Varun Vira，“The Neo Ottomans：Looking East without Looking Back，”Foreign Policy Journal，https：//www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2010/06/15/the-neo-ottomans-looking-east-without-looking-back/.

[36]“Turkey and the Middle East：Looking East and South，”the Economist，https：//www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2009/10/29/looking-east-and-south.

[37]Mehmet Ozkan，“Turkey，Islamic Politics and the ‘Turkish Model’，” Strategic Analysis，Vol.37，2013，pp.534-538.

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[39]Omer Taspinar，“Turkey's Middle East Policies：Between Neo-Ottomanism and Kemalism，”Carnegie Papers，No.10，September 2008，pp.6-7，https：//carnegieendowment.org/files/cmec10_taspinar_final.pdf.

[40]土耳其與以色列曾經歷過一段雙邊關系的蜜月期，但矛盾最終還是圍繞穆兄會問題爆發。埃爾多安希望能說服巴沙爾·阿薩德將敘利亞的穆兄會組織合法化、準許其參與政治進程，但遭到嚴詞拒絕。參見Bayram Balci，“Turkey's Relations with the Syrian Opposition，”https：//carnegieendowment.org/2012/04/13/turkey-s-relations-with-syrian-opposition-pub-47841。（檢索日期：2018年5月）

[41]庫爾德政黨對埃爾多安和正義與發展黨的威脅不僅體現在民族問題和選票分配上，也體現在社會意識形態上。人民民主黨不僅代表庫爾德人，還得到自由主義者、同性戀者和跨性別者等邊緣群體的支持，這超出了以埃爾多安為代表的伊斯蘭主義者的容忍底線。參見Sabri Ciftci，The Many Faces of Kurdish Political Representation in Turkey，Contemporary Turkish Politics，POMEPS Studies 22，Rice University Baker Institute for Public Policy，December 7，2016，pp.50-53。

[42]Eric Edelman，“Erdogan's Counter-Revolution，”https：//www.weeklystandard.com/eric-edelman/erdogans-counter-revolution.

[43]Cinar Kiper，“Muslim Light：What's Behind Turkey's Islamization and the Protests Against It，”https：//www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/06/muslim-light-whats-behind-turkeys-islamization-and-the-protests-against-it/276576/.

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[45]Xanthe Ackerman and Ekin Calisir，“Erdogan's Assault on Education，” Foreign Affairs，December 23，2015，https：//www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/turkey/2015-12-23/erdogans-assault-education.

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[47]Svante E.Cornell，“The Islamization of Turkey：Erdogan's Education Reforms，”http：//www.turkeyanalyst.org/publications/turkey-analyst-articles/item/437-the-islamization-of-turkey-erdo%C4%9Fan%E2%80%99s-education-reforms.html.

[48]Jeremy Salt，“Turkey's Counterrevolution：Notes from the Dark Side，”the Middle East Policy，Vol.22，Issue 1，Spring 2015，pp.123-141.